{"id":386,"date":"2016-06-16T17:41:00","date_gmt":"2016-06-16T17:41:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mrmushava.wordpress.com\/2016\/06\/16\/equality-as-a-stimulus-for-growth\/"},"modified":"2026-10-24T16:10:49","modified_gmt":"2026-10-24T16:10:49","slug":"equality-as-a-stimulus-for-growth","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386","title":{"rendered":"Equality as a Stimulus for Growth"},"content":{"rendered":"<table align=\"center\" cellpadding=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" class=\"tr-caption-container\" style=\"float: left;margin-right: 1em;text-align: left\">\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td style=\"text-align: center\"><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" alt=\"https:\/\/images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com\/images\/I\/51JeLHW0ZUL._SX324_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg\" height=\"400\" src=\"https:\/\/images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com\/images\/I\/51JeLHW0ZUL._SX324_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg\" style=\"margin-left: auto;margin-right: auto\" width=\"261\" \/><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td class=\"tr-caption\" style=\"text-align: center\"><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><b>Book: Why Nations Fail <br \/>Authors: Daron Acemoglu &amp; James A. Robinson  <br \/>Publisher: Profile Books (2012) <br \/>ISBN: 978 1 84668 430 2 <\/b><\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The expanse between rich and poor nations is vast and sustained. Explaining the gap has long been the site of controversy.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The persistence of poverty sparks off clich\u00e9s of every mood and rests bitterly in the consciousness of the deprived. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>But not there is no consensus as to why quality of life and other  development indices are constantly winding down in some countries and  shoring up in others.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Diverging choices and fates countries reach in religion, culture,  geography or knowledge have been invoked to explain the gap between the  haves and the have-nots<span>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><span>\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>However, according to Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson\u2019s 2012 book,  \u201cWhy Nations Fail,\u201d these explanations cannot answer why offshoots of  the same civilisation, such as North and South Korea, have assumed  starkly contrasting fortunes. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>\u201cWhy Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty\u201d builds  on long-run historical developments to propose an alternative theory of  wealth and poverty. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The authors argue that inclusive economic institutions, anchored on  democracy, equality and meritocracy, provide the incentive for  innovation and investment, hence sustained growth. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>On the other hand, extractive institutions, whereby the ruling elites  are bent to extract the economic output of the rest, facilitate  stagnation and underdevelopment since there is no incentive for  innovation and investment.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Because extractive institutions are inherently repressive as a requisite  for protecting illegitimate privileges, they tend to stifle the  disruptive creativity and new talent needed for sustainable growth. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>According to the theory, ambition responds to incentive so countries  with inclusive institutions and outgrow those impeded by political  barriers. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>\u201cInclusive economic institutions that enforce property rights, create a  level playing field, and encourage investments in new technologies and  skills are more conducive to economic growth than extractive economic  institutions that are structured to extract resources from the many by  the few and that fail to protect property rights or provide incentives  for economic activity,\u201d the duo argues.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Acemoglu and Robinson argue that institutional drift, a situation  whereby both inclusive and extractive economies tend towards resolute  paths, is bound to widen the gap between poor and rich nations, bar  critical juncture of history. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The duo\u2019s case for egalitarian institutions is forcefully argued and  urgently felt but there are glaring ironies in the way the authors  situate their theory in the world today. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The argument is persuasive as a basis for and understanding inequality  and facilitating inclusive development\u00a0 but it slanted to privilege the  West. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Acemoglu and Robinson acknowledge that slavery and colonialism created a  vicious circle of underdevelopment in Africa but go on give an  overwhelming impression that much of Sub-Saharan Africa is poor because  of its extractive tendencies while Western Europe and North America\u2019s  wealth and power is attributable to their espousal of democratic values. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Such an interpretation erroneously isolates individual nations from the  bigger picture, the relationship of exploitation which currently  privileges the global north and stunts the global south. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The particular eulogisation of Britain, France and the U.S as nations  whose prosperity are anchored on democratic values, notwithstanding  their concurrent exploitation of Africa plays down the universal essence  of democracy. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Neo-colonialism has been often swept aside as an inconsequential  abstract or excuse for deflecting attention away from domestic  dysfunction, it is one empirically observable explanation of  underdevelopment in Africa. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>France\u2019s extractive operations in its former colonies is a case in  point. According to a 2015 issue of Pambazuka News, 14 African countries  are still paying a debt for being developed by France during the  colonial period and France can automatically confiscate a former  colony\u2019s national reserve. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>More than 50 years after the inception of the African Union (formerly  Organisation of African Unity), France claims the right to exploit any  natural resource discovered in former colonies and forces African  countries to give its companies preferences in public procurement. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>It claims the right to deploy troops and intervene in the African  country to defend France\u2019s interests and forces former colonies to use  the colonial currency, among other colonial privileges. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>These colonial advantages, and the fact that African countries get less  than 10 percent the value of their resources, seems to me a credible  explanation of why nations fail. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>As long as democracy is held to be universally applicable, whatever  credit can be extended to the imperialists for inclusivity in their  apportionment of the spoils of plunder seems to conspiracy than  democracy. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>All the same, the essential theory of the book holds and must be  extended to every layer of inequality. Internal dysfunction must not be  used to deflect scrutiny of capitalist and imperialist extraction, and  the reserve equally holds.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s interpretation of Zimbabwe\u2019s land reform  programme as violation of property rights is also slanted and not  entirely historical. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The land reform programme is, in fact, closer to the duo\u2019s institutional  reform than they realise as it is effectively the dismantling of the  extractive privileges of a minority and a significant step towards  inclusive development in an agro-based economy.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The authors bring up creative destruction as a constant for economic  growth and observe that extractive political institutions are opposed to  the phenomenon as it threatens their relevance.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Whereas the examples cited, including resistance to the initial printing  and textile technology by the Ottoman empire and the Tudor monarchy  respectively, support this idea, it is not only the extractive  authoritarians and luddites whose turf is threatened by creative  destruction.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Contrary to Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s argument, inclusive institutions  have an obligation to subject creative destruction to democratic  scrutiny and to prevent a course of development which prioritises profit  over people. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Robert McChesney and John Nichols\u2019s 2016 book, \u201cPeople Get Ready: The  Fight against a Jobless Economy and Citizenless Democracy\u201d denies a  clean bill of health to an emerging wave of creative destruction whereby  robots and automation are set to throw millions out of jobs while  concentrate profits for companies by drastically cutting the wage bill.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>Acemoglu and Robinson rule out aid as means out of poverty, particularly  because so little is directed to the economic infrastructure. The  failure of the United Nations\u2019 Afghan mission is a case in point. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>\u201cBillions of dollars were now coming to Afghanistan. But little of it  was used for building infrastructure, schools, or other public services  essential for the development of inclusive institutions or even for  restoring law and order.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>\u201cWhile much of the infrastructure remained in tatters, the first tranche  of the money was used to commission an airline to shuttle around UN and  other international officials. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>\u201cThe next thing they needed were drivers and interpreters. So they hired  the few English-speaking bureaucrats and the remaining teachers in  Afghan schools to chauffeur and chaperone them around, paying them  multiples of current Afghan salaries,\u201d the duo observes. <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>China, which has been characterised as an alternative development model  to the Washington Consensus, seems to be a stumbling block to the duo\u2019s  theorisation of democracy and liberalisation as conditions for growth.  <\/span><\/span> <span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><\/span><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify\"><span style=\"font-size: small\"><span><br \/>The duo argues that China\u2019s growth is still consistent with their theory  as it concurred with a shift from extractive institutions to inclusive  ones over the past three decades, beginning with the reforms of Deng  Xiaoping. <\/span><\/span><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Book: Why Nations Fail Authors: Daron Acemoglu &amp; James A. Robinson Publisher: Profile Books (2012) ISBN: 978 1 84668 430 2 The expanse between rich and poor nations is vast and sustained. Explaining the gap has long been the site of controversy. The persistence of poverty sparks off clich\u00e9s of every mood and rests bitterly in the consciousness of the deprived. But not there is no consensus as to why quality of life and other development indices are constantly winding down in some countries and shoring up in others. Diverging choices and fates countries reach in religion, culture, geography or knowledge have been invoked to explain the gap between the haves and the have-nots. \u00a0However, according to Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson\u2019s 2012 book, \u201cWhy Nations Fail,\u201d these explanations cannot answer why offshoots of the same civilisation, such as North and South Korea, have assumed starkly contrasting fortunes. \u201cWhy Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty\u201d builds on long-run historical developments to propose an alternative theory of wealth and poverty. The authors argue that inclusive economic institutions, anchored on democracy, equality and meritocracy, provide the incentive for innovation and investment, hence sustained growth. On the other hand, extractive institutions, whereby the ruling elites are bent to extract the economic output of the rest, facilitate stagnation and underdevelopment since there is no incentive for innovation and investment. Because extractive institutions are inherently repressive as a requisite for protecting illegitimate privileges, they tend to stifle the disruptive creativity and new talent needed for sustainable growth. According to the theory, ambition responds to incentive so countries with inclusive institutions and outgrow those impeded by political barriers. \u201cInclusive economic institutions that enforce property rights, create a level playing field, and encourage investments in new technologies and skills are more conducive to economic growth than extractive economic institutions that are structured to extract resources from the many by the few and that fail to protect property rights or provide incentives for economic activity,\u201d the duo argues.\u00a0 Acemoglu and Robinson argue that institutional drift, a situation whereby both inclusive and extractive economies tend towards resolute paths, is bound to widen the gap between poor and rich nations, bar critical juncture of history. The duo\u2019s case for egalitarian institutions is forcefully argued and urgently felt but there are glaring ironies in the way the authors situate their theory in the world today. The argument is persuasive as a basis for and understanding inequality and facilitating inclusive development\u00a0 but it slanted to privilege the West. Acemoglu and Robinson acknowledge that slavery and colonialism created a vicious circle of underdevelopment in Africa but go on give an overwhelming impression that much of Sub-Saharan Africa is poor because of its extractive tendencies while Western Europe and North America\u2019s wealth and power is attributable to their espousal of democratic values. Such an interpretation erroneously isolates individual nations from the bigger picture, the relationship of exploitation which currently privileges the global north and stunts the global south. The particular eulogisation of Britain, France and the U.S as nations whose prosperity are anchored on democratic values, notwithstanding their concurrent exploitation of Africa plays down the universal essence of democracy. Neo-colonialism has been often swept aside as an inconsequential abstract or excuse for deflecting attention away from domestic dysfunction, it is one empirically observable explanation of underdevelopment in Africa. France\u2019s extractive operations in its former colonies is a case in point. According to a 2015 issue of Pambazuka News, 14 African countries are still paying a debt for being developed by France during the colonial period and France can automatically confiscate a former colony\u2019s national reserve. More than 50 years after the inception of the African Union (formerly Organisation of African Unity), France claims the right to exploit any natural resource discovered in former colonies and forces African countries to give its companies preferences in public procurement. It claims the right to deploy troops and intervene in the African country to defend France\u2019s interests and forces former colonies to use the colonial currency, among other colonial privileges. These colonial advantages, and the fact that African countries get less than 10 percent the value of their resources, seems to me a credible explanation of why nations fail. As long as democracy is held to be universally applicable, whatever credit can be extended to the imperialists for inclusivity in their apportionment of the spoils of plunder seems to conspiracy than democracy. All the same, the essential theory of the book holds and must be extended to every layer of inequality. Internal dysfunction must not be used to deflect scrutiny of capitalist and imperialist extraction, and the reserve equally holds. Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s interpretation of Zimbabwe\u2019s land reform programme as violation of property rights is also slanted and not entirely historical. The land reform programme is, in fact, closer to the duo\u2019s institutional reform than they realise as it is effectively the dismantling of the extractive privileges of a minority and a significant step towards inclusive development in an agro-based economy.\u00a0 The authors bring up creative destruction as a constant for economic growth and observe that extractive political institutions are opposed to the phenomenon as it threatens their relevance. Whereas the examples cited, including resistance to the initial printing and textile technology by the Ottoman empire and the Tudor monarchy respectively, support this idea, it is not only the extractive authoritarians and luddites whose turf is threatened by creative destruction. Contrary to Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s argument, inclusive institutions have an obligation to subject creative destruction to democratic scrutiny and to prevent a course of development which prioritises profit over people. Robert McChesney and John Nichols\u2019s 2016 book, \u201cPeople Get Ready: The Fight against a Jobless Economy and Citizenless Democracy\u201d denies a clean bill of health to an emerging wave of creative destruction whereby robots and automation are set to throw millions out of jobs while concentrate profits for companies by drastically cutting the wage bill. Acemoglu and Robinson rule out aid as means<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[18,102],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-386","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-books","category-theory"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Equality as a Stimulus for Growth | Blockspace<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Equality as a Stimulus for Growth | Blockspace\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Book: Why Nations Fail Authors: Daron Acemoglu &amp; James A. Robinson Publisher: Profile Books (2012) ISBN: 978 1 84668 430 2 The expanse between rich and poor nations is vast and sustained. Explaining the gap has long been the site of controversy. The persistence of poverty sparks off clich\u00e9s of every mood and rests bitterly in the consciousness of the deprived. But not there is no consensus as to why quality of life and other development indices are constantly winding down in some countries and shoring up in others. Diverging choices and fates countries reach in religion, culture, geography or knowledge have been invoked to explain the gap between the haves and the have-nots. \u00a0However, according to Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson\u2019s 2012 book, \u201cWhy Nations Fail,\u201d these explanations cannot answer why offshoots of the same civilisation, such as North and South Korea, have assumed starkly contrasting fortunes. \u201cWhy Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty\u201d builds on long-run historical developments to propose an alternative theory of wealth and poverty. The authors argue that inclusive economic institutions, anchored on democracy, equality and meritocracy, provide the incentive for innovation and investment, hence sustained growth. On the other hand, extractive institutions, whereby the ruling elites are bent to extract the economic output of the rest, facilitate stagnation and underdevelopment since there is no incentive for innovation and investment. Because extractive institutions are inherently repressive as a requisite for protecting illegitimate privileges, they tend to stifle the disruptive creativity and new talent needed for sustainable growth. According to the theory, ambition responds to incentive so countries with inclusive institutions and outgrow those impeded by political barriers. \u201cInclusive economic institutions that enforce property rights, create a level playing field, and encourage investments in new technologies and skills are more conducive to economic growth than extractive economic institutions that are structured to extract resources from the many by the few and that fail to protect property rights or provide incentives for economic activity,\u201d the duo argues.\u00a0 Acemoglu and Robinson argue that institutional drift, a situation whereby both inclusive and extractive economies tend towards resolute paths, is bound to widen the gap between poor and rich nations, bar critical juncture of history. The duo\u2019s case for egalitarian institutions is forcefully argued and urgently felt but there are glaring ironies in the way the authors situate their theory in the world today. The argument is persuasive as a basis for and understanding inequality and facilitating inclusive development\u00a0 but it slanted to privilege the West. Acemoglu and Robinson acknowledge that slavery and colonialism created a vicious circle of underdevelopment in Africa but go on give an overwhelming impression that much of Sub-Saharan Africa is poor because of its extractive tendencies while Western Europe and North America\u2019s wealth and power is attributable to their espousal of democratic values. Such an interpretation erroneously isolates individual nations from the bigger picture, the relationship of exploitation which currently privileges the global north and stunts the global south. The particular eulogisation of Britain, France and the U.S as nations whose prosperity are anchored on democratic values, notwithstanding their concurrent exploitation of Africa plays down the universal essence of democracy. Neo-colonialism has been often swept aside as an inconsequential abstract or excuse for deflecting attention away from domestic dysfunction, it is one empirically observable explanation of underdevelopment in Africa. France\u2019s extractive operations in its former colonies is a case in point. According to a 2015 issue of Pambazuka News, 14 African countries are still paying a debt for being developed by France during the colonial period and France can automatically confiscate a former colony\u2019s national reserve. More than 50 years after the inception of the African Union (formerly Organisation of African Unity), France claims the right to exploit any natural resource discovered in former colonies and forces African countries to give its companies preferences in public procurement. It claims the right to deploy troops and intervene in the African country to defend France\u2019s interests and forces former colonies to use the colonial currency, among other colonial privileges. These colonial advantages, and the fact that African countries get less than 10 percent the value of their resources, seems to me a credible explanation of why nations fail. As long as democracy is held to be universally applicable, whatever credit can be extended to the imperialists for inclusivity in their apportionment of the spoils of plunder seems to conspiracy than democracy. All the same, the essential theory of the book holds and must be extended to every layer of inequality. Internal dysfunction must not be used to deflect scrutiny of capitalist and imperialist extraction, and the reserve equally holds. Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s interpretation of Zimbabwe\u2019s land reform programme as violation of property rights is also slanted and not entirely historical. The land reform programme is, in fact, closer to the duo\u2019s institutional reform than they realise as it is effectively the dismantling of the extractive privileges of a minority and a significant step towards inclusive development in an agro-based economy.\u00a0 The authors bring up creative destruction as a constant for economic growth and observe that extractive political institutions are opposed to the phenomenon as it threatens their relevance. Whereas the examples cited, including resistance to the initial printing and textile technology by the Ottoman empire and the Tudor monarchy respectively, support this idea, it is not only the extractive authoritarians and luddites whose turf is threatened by creative destruction. Contrary to Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s argument, inclusive institutions have an obligation to subject creative destruction to democratic scrutiny and to prevent a course of development which prioritises profit over people. Robert McChesney and John Nichols\u2019s 2016 book, \u201cPeople Get Ready: The Fight against a Jobless Economy and Citizenless Democracy\u201d denies a clean bill of health to an emerging wave of creative destruction whereby robots and automation are set to throw millions out of jobs while concentrate profits for companies by drastically cutting the wage bill. Acemoglu and Robinson rule out aid as means\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Blockspace\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2016-06-16T17:41:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-10-24T16:10:49+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com\/images\/I\/51JeLHW0ZUL._SX324_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"hardsouth\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"hardsouth\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"6 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" 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\/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Equality as a Stimulus for Growth | Blockspace","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Equality as a Stimulus for Growth | Blockspace","og_description":"Book: Why Nations Fail Authors: Daron Acemoglu &amp; James A. Robinson Publisher: Profile Books (2012) ISBN: 978 1 84668 430 2 The expanse between rich and poor nations is vast and sustained. Explaining the gap has long been the site of controversy. The persistence of poverty sparks off clich\u00e9s of every mood and rests bitterly in the consciousness of the deprived. But not there is no consensus as to why quality of life and other development indices are constantly winding down in some countries and shoring up in others. Diverging choices and fates countries reach in religion, culture, geography or knowledge have been invoked to explain the gap between the haves and the have-nots. \u00a0However, according to Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson\u2019s 2012 book, \u201cWhy Nations Fail,\u201d these explanations cannot answer why offshoots of the same civilisation, such as North and South Korea, have assumed starkly contrasting fortunes. \u201cWhy Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty\u201d builds on long-run historical developments to propose an alternative theory of wealth and poverty. The authors argue that inclusive economic institutions, anchored on democracy, equality and meritocracy, provide the incentive for innovation and investment, hence sustained growth. On the other hand, extractive institutions, whereby the ruling elites are bent to extract the economic output of the rest, facilitate stagnation and underdevelopment since there is no incentive for innovation and investment. Because extractive institutions are inherently repressive as a requisite for protecting illegitimate privileges, they tend to stifle the disruptive creativity and new talent needed for sustainable growth. According to the theory, ambition responds to incentive so countries with inclusive institutions and outgrow those impeded by political barriers. \u201cInclusive economic institutions that enforce property rights, create a level playing field, and encourage investments in new technologies and skills are more conducive to economic growth than extractive economic institutions that are structured to extract resources from the many by the few and that fail to protect property rights or provide incentives for economic activity,\u201d the duo argues.\u00a0 Acemoglu and Robinson argue that institutional drift, a situation whereby both inclusive and extractive economies tend towards resolute paths, is bound to widen the gap between poor and rich nations, bar critical juncture of history. The duo\u2019s case for egalitarian institutions is forcefully argued and urgently felt but there are glaring ironies in the way the authors situate their theory in the world today. The argument is persuasive as a basis for and understanding inequality and facilitating inclusive development\u00a0 but it slanted to privilege the West. Acemoglu and Robinson acknowledge that slavery and colonialism created a vicious circle of underdevelopment in Africa but go on give an overwhelming impression that much of Sub-Saharan Africa is poor because of its extractive tendencies while Western Europe and North America\u2019s wealth and power is attributable to their espousal of democratic values. Such an interpretation erroneously isolates individual nations from the bigger picture, the relationship of exploitation which currently privileges the global north and stunts the global south. The particular eulogisation of Britain, France and the U.S as nations whose prosperity are anchored on democratic values, notwithstanding their concurrent exploitation of Africa plays down the universal essence of democracy. Neo-colonialism has been often swept aside as an inconsequential abstract or excuse for deflecting attention away from domestic dysfunction, it is one empirically observable explanation of underdevelopment in Africa. France\u2019s extractive operations in its former colonies is a case in point. According to a 2015 issue of Pambazuka News, 14 African countries are still paying a debt for being developed by France during the colonial period and France can automatically confiscate a former colony\u2019s national reserve. More than 50 years after the inception of the African Union (formerly Organisation of African Unity), France claims the right to exploit any natural resource discovered in former colonies and forces African countries to give its companies preferences in public procurement. It claims the right to deploy troops and intervene in the African country to defend France\u2019s interests and forces former colonies to use the colonial currency, among other colonial privileges. These colonial advantages, and the fact that African countries get less than 10 percent the value of their resources, seems to me a credible explanation of why nations fail. As long as democracy is held to be universally applicable, whatever credit can be extended to the imperialists for inclusivity in their apportionment of the spoils of plunder seems to conspiracy than democracy. All the same, the essential theory of the book holds and must be extended to every layer of inequality. Internal dysfunction must not be used to deflect scrutiny of capitalist and imperialist extraction, and the reserve equally holds. Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s interpretation of Zimbabwe\u2019s land reform programme as violation of property rights is also slanted and not entirely historical. The land reform programme is, in fact, closer to the duo\u2019s institutional reform than they realise as it is effectively the dismantling of the extractive privileges of a minority and a significant step towards inclusive development in an agro-based economy.\u00a0 The authors bring up creative destruction as a constant for economic growth and observe that extractive political institutions are opposed to the phenomenon as it threatens their relevance. Whereas the examples cited, including resistance to the initial printing and textile technology by the Ottoman empire and the Tudor monarchy respectively, support this idea, it is not only the extractive authoritarians and luddites whose turf is threatened by creative destruction. Contrary to Acemoglu and Robinson\u2019s argument, inclusive institutions have an obligation to subject creative destruction to democratic scrutiny and to prevent a course of development which prioritises profit over people. Robert McChesney and John Nichols\u2019s 2016 book, \u201cPeople Get Ready: The Fight against a Jobless Economy and Citizenless Democracy\u201d denies a clean bill of health to an emerging wave of creative destruction whereby robots and automation are set to throw millions out of jobs while concentrate profits for companies by drastically cutting the wage bill. Acemoglu and Robinson rule out aid as means","og_url":"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386","og_site_name":"Blockspace","article_published_time":"2016-06-16T17:41:00+00:00","article_modified_time":"2026-10-24T16:10:49+00:00","og_image":[{"url":"https:\/\/images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com\/images\/I\/51JeLHW0ZUL._SX324_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg","type":"","width":"","height":""}],"author":"hardsouth","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"hardsouth","Est. reading time":"6 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/?p=386"},"author":{"name":"hardsouth","@id":"https:\/\/blockspaceballads.com\/#\/schema\/person\/a336a678f28eacb341ce63c6b84b17d0"},"headline":"Equality as a Stimulus for 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